Peel’s clean energy momentum faces headwinds 

The path to a green energy future in Canada — especially for municipalities like Peel — could be drastically altered under a new direction proposed by the federal Conservative Party.

On December 18, the Government of Canada finalized the Clean Electricity Regulations (CER), a significant step toward combating climate change by limiting excessive carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions from fossil fuel-based electricity generation to protect the environment and human health. 

“Canada's clean electricity regulations are a step in the right direction, but they could be strengthened to create a stronger demand signal for renewable energy,” Environmental Defence’s senior program manager of climate and energy, Aliénor Rougeot, told The Pointer.

“Currently, there's some ambiguity in the CER (Clean Electricity Regulations) regarding whether new gas plants could still be built, which could potentially displace renewable energy. Strengthening these regulations would be an important step in ensuring clean energy growth.”

But that’s far from what the Conservatives have in mind. Key programs and policies designed to combat climate change and accelerate clean energy adoption are poised to be scrapped if they form government and the newly released platform is enacted.

Unveiled on April 22, which happened to be Earth Day, the Conservative Party’s fully costed platform offered a clearer view of Pierre Poilievre’s vision for the country’s energy sector. At its core is a plan to reduce the national deficit to $14.2 billion within four years — a sharp contrast to the Liberal government’s projected $47 billion deficit, which includes significant capital investments and a modest operational surplus.

Experts are concerned that these Conservative projections rely heavily on what many see as overly optimistic savings, particularly through the dismantling of existing environmental policies.

One major area of proposed savings is repealing the Impact Assessment Act (formerly Bill C-69), which Poilievre has long blamed for stalling energy development in Canada. 

Projects subject to the Impact Assessment Act include those listed in the Physical Activities Regulations, as well as others designated by the minister or located on federal lands or outside Canada — covering sectors such as renewable energy, oil and gas, mining, transportation and hazardous waste.

(Government of Canada)

“The Carney-Trudeau Liberals have known about the Ring of Fire’s massive economic potential for a decade, but didn’t approve a single road, or allow a single mine to get constructed. The Liberals did everything in their power to keep these minerals in the ground by sitting on permits for five whole years and passing Bill C-69, which makes resource projects like these very difficult, if not impossible, to get approved at all,” Poilievre said.

The Conservatives claim getting rid of the Bill alone would save nearly $1 billion over four years.

But that’s not all. The Conservatives propose eliminating the industrial carbon tax (projected savings of $8.2 billion), cancelling the federal electric vehicle mandate ($11.2 billion), and scrapping the oil and gas emissions cap ($3.95 billion).

On April 24, Poilievre doubled down on his opposition to the EV mandate, calling it the “Car(ney) tax”—a jab at former Bank of Canada Governor Mark Carney. According to his campaign website, Poilievre vows to scrap what he describes as Carney’s "$20,000 tax on gas-powered cars," and “axe the GST on Canadian-made cars.”

“I’ve got nothing against EVs–if you want one, buy one–and make sure it’s one made in Canada! But they shouldn’t be forced on people by the government,” Poilievre said. “A new Conservative government will put you back in the driver’s seat so you can choose the vehicle that works best for your family—gas, hybrid, or electric—for a change.”

The Liberal's EV mandate currently requires that 20 percent of all new passenger vehicle sales in Canada be zero-emission by 2026, rising to 60 percent by 2030 and reaching 100 percent by 2035. 

In Q2 2024, 65,733 new zero-emission vehicles were registered in Canada, accounting for 12.9 percent of all new vehicles—a 37.9 percent increase compared to the same period in 2023, driven by strong consumer demand, not by mandates forcing people to buy EVs.

Transport-related emissions are among the second highest in Canada after the oil and gas industry.

Another key element of the Conservative platform is the proposal to cut Canada’s industrial carbon pricing system, designed to push major polluters to clean up their act by attaching a cost to every tonne of carbon they emit. It’s a market-based approach that turns pollution into a financial liability — and a cleaner economy into a competitive advantage.

A Canadian Climate Institute report calls the industrial carbon tax — also known as a large-emitter trading system (LETS) — the country’s single most effective policy for cutting carbon emissions between now and 2030.

“Canada’s carbon pricing system will do more than any other policy to cut greenhouse gas emissions between now and 2030,” the report said.

The policy achieves its environmental goals with minimal impact on Canadian households. By 2025, the average effect on household consumption is projected to be essentially zero — and by 2030, just one-tenth of a percent, with some households even seeing modest net benefits.

As previously reported by The Pointer, Canadians have been fed muddied information about the carbon tax which studies have shown actually benefits lower-income Canadians, the vast majority of middle-income earners as well as those who reduce their carbon footprint.

Another crucial piece under threat is the Oil and Gas Sector Greenhouse Gas Emissions Cap, unveiled in draft form on November 4, 2024 under the Liberal government with an aim “to put a clear limit on greenhouse gas pollution” from the sector, targeting a reduction of 35 percent below 2019 levels. 

According to Environment and Climate Change Canada, Canadian oil and gas production is projected to rise by 17 percent from 2019 to 2030 without the emissions cap, and by 16 percent with the cap in place, “provided the sector implements technically achievable decarbonization measures.”

As the federal government noted, “the proposed regulations put a limit on pollution, not production.” In other words, the policy doesn’t threaten the sector’s growth — it simply demands that growth be cleaner.
 

The oil and gas industry has been the biggest source of carbon dioxide equivalent and methane emissions in the country.

(Government of Canada)

To put things into perspective, the oil and gas industry hasn’t just led the pack as Canada’s top emitter of greenhouse gases responsible for over 28 percent emissions nationally — it’s also wielded its influence far beyond the drilling fields. From shaping parts of the education system to reflect industry interests, to lobbying the halls of power, its reach runs deep.

And when it comes to lobbying? The industry found its most receptive audience among the Conservative Party of Canada.

“It’s interesting to see a consistent rate of lobbying towards the official opposition, while lobbying of the sitting government party has dropped significantly. One way to interpret this is that the oil industry is strategically building long-term relationships in case there’s a potential change in government,” Environmental Defence’s energy transition program manager, Emilia Belliveau, told The Pointer.

Lobbying activity in 2024 with each federal party.

(Environmental Defence)

In 2024, Conservative MPs participated in 216 lobby meetings, more than double the number taken by their Liberal counterparts, who attended 91 meetings. Shannon Stubbs, the Conservative MP for Lakeland, Alberta, who also serves as the Shadow Minister for Natural Resources, met with lobbyists at least 30 times, making her the most frequently lobbied individual.

(Environmental Defence)

In Ontario, Adam Chambers, the Member of Parliament for Simcoe North, was on the list of ten MPs who met most frequently with oil and gas companies.

Poilievre, took part in one fossil fuel lobby meeting in December 2024. His staff members, on the other hand, were targeted much more extensively—seven members of Poilievre’s team were lobbied during 20 meetings by 12 companies and industry associations.

In contrast, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau did not meet with fossil fuel lobbyists in 2024, but 12 staff members from the Prime Minister’s Office were lobbied in 39 meetings by 21 different companies and industry associations. Trudeau’s staff, including senior and regional advisors, were among those who met with industry lobbyists.

In May 2023, Poilievre made headlines when he boldly told corporate Canada to “fire their lobbyists,” claiming he would only answer to the voice of the people. But just weeks later, that promise rang hollow. By early July 2023, Poilievre was quietly attending an exclusive $1,650-a-plate fundraiser during the Calgary Stampede — rubbing shoulders with some of the oil industry’s most powerful lobbyists, as revealed by Greenpeace Canada.

Ahead of the federal election, Greenpeace Canada projected bold messages like ‘Don’t Trump Canada’ onto Niagara Falls.

(Greenpeace Canada)

“The same Big Oil and billionaires behind Trump are supporting politicians like Pierre Poilievre to push through a Trump-style agenda here in Canada: eliminate hard-won environmental protections, tax breaks for the rich and attacks on the most vulnerable in our society. We can’t and won’t let them,” Greenpeace Canada’s senior energy strategist Keith Stewart said in a statement shared with The Pointer.

Without regulations and mechanisms in place, experts warn, emissions will climb — and so will the economic cost of climate-related disasters.

Climate change is already dragging down Canada’s economy, with an estimated $25 billion shaved off national GDP by 2025 due to a decade of cumulative impacts — equivalent to half a year of economic growth or $630 per person. 

These losses, greater than major disaster costs in recent years, are not just from isolated events like floods or fires but from the compounding effects of climate damage each year. If warming continues unchecked, this economic toll will grow to $35 billion by 2030 and could reach up to $103 billion by 2055.

“For every $1 spent on adaptation measures today, $13-$15 will be returned in years ahead in direct and indirect benefits,” a Canadian Climate Institute report said. 

For those working on the ground to advance local clean energy efforts, these cuts are not just numbers on a balance sheet — they represent a threat to years of progress and the years ahead.

In 2023, the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area (GTHA) experienced a concerning two percent increase in carbon emissions, reaching 54.5 million tonnes—surpassing pre-pandemic levels. This uptick underscores the urgent need to reduce emissions by 11 percent annually to meet the region's 2030 climate targets, as highlighted in The Atmospheric Fund's (TAF) 2023 Carbon Emissions Inventory.

A significant contributor to this rise is the increased reliance on natural gas for electricity generation. In 2023, the provincial electricity grid became 30 percent more carbon-intensive due to this shift, adding 885 kilotonnes of emissions and undermining efforts to decarbonize buildings and transportation.

Buildings remain the largest source of emissions in the GTHA, accounting for 45 percent of the total. The underlying issue: the use of natural gas for heating and electricity generation.

To address these challenges, experts like Tony Iacobelli, Community Energy Transformation’s (CCET) executive director, advocate for more federal funding and expansion of district energy systems with a focus on “thermal grids.”

He believes “continuing incentive programs and rebates to convince people to undertake energy efficiency upgrades is important.”

In October, the City of Mississauga broke ground on what is set to become Canada’s largest district energy system at Lakeview Village — a visionary transformation of the former coal-fired Lakeview Power Generating Station into a model for low-carbon living. 

Spearheaded by the City of Mississauga in collaboration with Enwave, the Region of Peel, and Lakeview Community Partners Ltd. (LCPL), the system will use a network of underground pipes to heat and cool the entire community using treated wastewater from the nearby G.E. Booth Water Resource Recovery Facility — drastically reducing dependence on fossil fuels.

Backing the project is a major $600 million investment from the Canada Infrastructure Bank (CIB), a federal Crown corporation, as part of a broader $1.4 billion agreement to support Enwave’s district energy developments in both Toronto and Mississauga. Through this partnership, the CIB is helping deploy advanced clean technologies like wastewater heat recovery and geoexchange — innovations essential to building resilient, climate-friendly communities.

This effort aligns with Mississauga’s Climate Change Action Plan, which prioritizes clean energy integration into new developments, aiming to slash greenhouse gas emissions by 80 percent by 2050.

Iacobelli was disappointed to see no “specific mention of district energy as part of the energy transition in any of the party platforms.”

For Environmental Defence’s Aliénor Rougeot, the red flags lie in a different corner—specifically, in the missing support for municipalities. She stressed the need to restore clean energy tax credits for municipalities, noting that while credits for the private sector passed under the federal Liberal government, those for Indigenous nations, municipalities, and utilities were left behind.

“A lot of energy planners are already relying on those in their plans…so, it would be pretty devastating if it didn't come through,” she noted, hoping that they will be passed after the election.

In a statement shared with The Pointer, the Liberal Party announced plans to advance Canada’s six major investment tax credits (ITCs) aimed at supporting clean energy and technology: the Carbon Capture, Utilization, and Storage (CCUS) ITC, Clean Technology ITC, Clean Electricity ITC, Clean Hydrogen ITC, Clean Technology Manufacturing ITC, and the Electric Vehicle Supply Chain ITC. 

“We will also continue to be a world leader in Carbon Capture, Utilization, and Storage technology so that Canada is a world leader in responsible energy production,” the Liberal party statement noted.

Climate experts, including a working group report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, have pointed out that carbon capture is not only one of the least effective but also one of the most expensive strategies for reducing emissions.

Although the Liberal platform supports investment tax credits—especially for hydrogen energy— Iacobelli sees “a clear opportunity to extend those credits to district energy,” explaining these systems require significant upfront capital to install underground pipes and build centralized energy centres, and additional incentives could help strengthen the business case.

The Liberal platform also references Carbon Contracts for Difference, which municipalities exploring district energy have considered. These contracts reward projects that reduce greenhouse gas emissions by offering financial returns—grants or loans—based on those savings.

“But beyond that, district energy still isn’t recognized explicitly as a green economy investment opportunity, and that’s something we hope to see change,” he said.

A recent poll commissioned by the David Suzuki Foundation shows that 67 percent of Canadians believe the next government should prioritize climate action and nature protection, with 65 percent supporting investments in renewable energy over fossil fuels.

On April 11, 128 municipal leaders, including Mississauga Councillor Alvin Tedjo, issued an open letter to the five federal party leaders urging for climate-focused action to strengthen Canada’s resilience in the face of natural disasters.

A letter from municipal leaders to federal party leaders recommends paying for five suggested projects “by redirecting billions of dollars in fossil fuel subsidies, and strengthening the polluter pays principle.”

(Elbows Up for Climate)

Aligning with one of the asks in the letter, NDP Mississauga–Erin Mills candidate Ehab Mustapha told The Pointer that he will advocate for a “national East-West power grid to connect provinces, lower emissions, and power our homes and communities with clean electricity.”

But there’s something more that federal NDP candidate for Mississauga–Lakeshore, Evelyn Butler, wishes to see in the party platform. Butler told The Pointer she wants to work with municipalities and big utilities to find the “best realistic way” to accelerate clean energy projects by offering “fleshed out targeted incentives to power companies that they can actually implement and deliver on to their customers. This would include grants for gradual grid modernization that would focus on a community based, owned and operated energy system that residents can invest in.”  

The NDP plans to end subsidies for the fossil fuel industry and reinvest those funds into expanding renewable energy infrastructure; their emphasis is on supporting workers in the transition with a re-training process.

(NDP)

This shift is not only possible but essential, and according to Rougeot, a crucial step towards achieving it is strengthening Canada's renewable energy supply chain.

Despite having abundant resources, Canada currently imports most of the components necessary for clean energy technologies. “For example, while Canada mines critical minerals, we export them for refining and processing, losing valuable economic potential.” 

Rougeot advocates for a comprehensive supply chain analysis, similar to what the U.S. has done, to identify strategic opportunities within key areas like mineral refining, wind turbine manufacturing, and the production of solar panels and batteries. By bringing these industries home, Canada could not only retain more value domestically but also enhance the resilience of its green economy.

“While public funding including investment tax credits plays a critical role in transitioning to renewable energy, unlocking the vast potential of private capital is even more crucial,” she said. 

Currently, Canada’s financial regulations lag behind countries like the U.S., lacking clear green investment taxonomies and climate finance policies. “Modernizing these frameworks—and requiring federally regulated institutions, such as pension funds, to divest from fossil fuels and invest in renewables—could unlock the capital needed to drive a sustainable, clean energy future.”

Iacobelli pointed out that focusing on neighbourhood-scale decarbonization rather than individual homes offers significant benefits to the local economy and supply chain. 

“Locally manufactured equipment like insulated steel pipes, and technologies like sanitary sewer heat exchange, developed by Canadian companies like Shark and European leaders from Denmark, could help drive this transition,” he said.

“And as the sector grows, even European companies may consider investing in local manufacturing, reducing the need for imports and strengthening Canada's green energy economy.”

But while momentum is building, Ontario’s approach remains a sticking point. “The problem is coming from the top,” Rougeot said. “The Government of Ontario is basically shutting out renewable energy from its procurement process and kind of forcing gas down our throats and forcing nuclear on us.”

She argues for a fairer, more open procurement process—one where all energy sources compete on a level playing field, based on cost and availability rather than arbitrary criteria. 

She also points to a gap in municipal capacity. While local governments now have more say in approving energy projects, most councillors lack technical backgrounds in areas like urban planning or energy systems. “They're being asked to assess complex proposals without the resources or expertise to do so,” she said, warning that this can lead to poor decisions, missed opportunities, or rejection out of caution.

Distributed solar energy holds enormous untapped potential, Rougeot argues. “It’s unbelievable that so many parking lots across Ontario still sit uncovered, letting the sun hit the cars instead of solar panels. 

A Toronto parking lot slowly filling up on a bright morning on April 23.

(Anushka Yadav/The Pointer) 

In some European countries, including Slovenia and France, it’s now mandatory to install solar canopies over parking lots with more than 80 spaces—a policy that simultaneously generates power, provides shade, and can even charge electric vehicles. “Empowering municipalities through legislation to unlock these opportunities could be a game-changer.”

(Andrii Biletskyi/Dreamstime)

Echoing her point, Iacobelli noted: “The energy transition is really an economic development opportunity.”

The Pointer reached out to Conservative Party of Canada and Green Party candidates in ridings across Peel for comment, but none responded.

Email: [email protected]

The Pointer's 2025 federal election coverage is partly supported by the Covering Canada: Election 2025 Fund.

This story is part of The 89 Percent Project, an initiative of the global journalism collaboration: Covering Climate Now.

At a time when vital public information is needed by everyone, The Pointer has taken down our paywall on all stories to ensure every resident of Brampton, Mississauga and Niagara has access to the facts. For those who are able, we encourage you to consider a subscription. This will help us report on important public interest issues the community needs to know about now more than ever. You can register for a 30-day free trial HERE. Thereafter, The Pointer will charge $10 a month and you can cancel any time right on the website. Thank you